Geographies of inequality: Child pedestrian injury and walking school buses in Auckland, New Zealand
Introduction
Pedestrian accidents are a leading cause of serious injury and death among children in developed countries. International research has consistently found that these accidents do not occur in a uniform distribution across space, but are concentrated in areas of socio-economic deprivation (Coupland et al., 2003; Haynes, Reading, & Gale, 2003). In this way child pedestrian injury contributes to the systematic inequalities in health status that are well-documented in the population health literature (e.g., Wilkinson, 1996; Hayes, 1999). The unequal socio-spatial distribution of children's life chances have been known to geographers since at least the time of the ‘urban expedition’ to Detroit, which found a four-fold range in infant death rates between the central city and the suburbs (Bunge & Bordessa, 1975). This study also noted that suburban children's opportunities were bolstered by the relative availability of recreation space, by better equipped schools and libraries, and by reduced risk of being struck by a car while at play.
Many parents have responded to the risks that traffic poses by restricting their children's uses of the streets. Increasingly, children are placed within the seemingly safe confines of the private motor vehicle for most day-to-day journeys, including that between home and school (Tranter & Pawson, 2001; Hillman, 1993). However, such chauffeuring behaviour contributes to congestion, and to the restriction of children's experiential geographies (Barker, 2002). This phenomenon has arguably contributed to the increasingly marginal status of walking in some urban areas (Solnit, 2000), and is antithetical to the notion of the ‘active city’, in which opportunities for safe and convivial walking and cycling are prioritized (Low, 2003).
One initiative that gets children back on their feet and on the streets is the ‘walking school bus’ (WSB). It involves groups of children walking to and from school under adult supervision, typically along a set route complete with ‘stops’ at which ‘passengers’ may embark and disembark. WSBs usually involve at least two adults: a ‘driver’ at the front and a ‘conductor’ at the back. These adults are generally, but not always, parents, and it is their job to guide the bus between its farthest stop and the school, while maintaining discipline and remaining alert for potential hazards and obstacles (Kearns et al., 2003).
By offering a safe and reliable alternative to car travel, the WSB potentially (re)legitimates and endorses walking by children (Kearns & Collins, 2003). It may also help to alleviate vehicular congestion, especially in the vicinity of schools, and enable children to accrue health benefits (Giles-Corti & Donovan, 2003). Moreover, recent research demonstrates that city streets become safer for walkers the more people walk (Jacobsen, 2003). In this paper we examine the phenomenon of child pedestrian injury, and its inequitable social geography, before considering the rapid and widespread development of WSBs in Auckland, New Zealand. Our specific goal is to report on, and seek to understand, the socio-spatial distribution of both injuries and WSBs within a rapidly growing urban area.
Section snippets
Child safety and chauffeuring behaviour
City streets are a particularly hazardous environment for children, in part because urban design typically privileges the needs of adult commuters over those of other street users (Davis & Jones, 1997). The poor regard for walking as a routine activity is often reflected in, and reinforced by, narrow or non-existent footpaths, and a lack of places to cross roads in safety. Although some European cities have begun to appreciate the value of a walkable environment (Low, 2003), in Auckland
Social geographies of child pedestrian injury
The significance of child pedestrian injury as a public health issue should not be underestimated. In New Zealand, injury is the leading cause of child mortality, accounting for 37% of all deaths in the 1–14 age group between 1986 and 1995. Injuries to pedestrians and cyclists make up 21.5% of this figure—an average of 24.5 deaths per year—followed by injuries to motor vehicle occupants (19.7%), and drownings (15.8%) (Kypri, Chalmers, Langley, & Wright, 2000). In the United Kingdom,
Walking School Bus Initiatives
The WSB concept was first trialled in 1998 at Wheatfields Junior School in St. Alban's, England, and spread rapidly, particularly within the UK (where it is now found at over 150 schools) and New Zealand (where it has been adopted by more than 100 schools). As part of a broader and emergent concern with creating safe routes to school (Staunton, Hubsmith, & Kallins, 2003), it seeks to ensure that child pedestrians can travel between home and school protected from traffic and stranger
Study background and methods
In Auckland, a high level of car dependence—linked with an ongoing preference for motorways over public transport (Gunder, 2002)—and residential intensification have exacerbated traffic congestion and parental chauffeuring behaviour. One recent response to these trends on the part of schools and city councils has been to promote WSBs. The potential for this initiative to reduce car journeys was demonstrated in an evaluation of the first primary school to adopt the WSB idea (Kearns et al., 2003
Results
A total of 54 walking bus routes were in operation at the 29 schools for which information was obtained via interview, and all but 16 of these routes operated morning and afternoon, 5 days a week. Patronage was increasing at 10 schools and stable at 13 others: at only 6 schools was the number of children ‘on board’ decreasing. The cumulative estimates of respondents suggest that these WSBs cater to approximately 746 children on an average day (although information was unavailable for three
Discussion
Research on child pedestrian injury a decade ago established that Auckland had a variable landscape in terms of both traffic congestion and risk for child pedestrians (Roberts, 1994). Our present research highlights a paradox: the areas of greatest risk for children within Auckland (i.e., high relative deprivation areas) are those least well served by WSBs. A key factor may be that in Auckland WSBs have been promoted more for their ability to reduce congestion near the school gate than for
Conclusion
Our analysis of survey data has revealed an unequal landscape of walking school bus activity across Auckland. Higher uptake of WSB schemes in more affluent neighbourhoods is due in part to this innovation being linked more strongly to the economic and political priority of reducing congestion, than to the public health priority of reducing child pedestrian injury.
The success and popularity of WSB schemes show no signs of abating, notwithstanding the challenges identified by respondents.
Acknowledgements
This research was funded by the Auckland Regional Council. The interviews were conducted by Hannah Mitchell, and the map prepared by Chris McDowall. Helpful comments and insights were provided by Sue Kendall, the Regional Co-ordinator of Walking School Buses.
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