Impacts of culture on driver knowledge and safety device usage among Hispanic farm workers

https://doi.org/10.1016/S0001-4575(98)00072-4Get rights and content

Abstract

This study examines Hispanic migrant farm workers’ driving behaviors and knowledge of the laws. These laborers worked and drove in California’s agricultural region up to 8 months a year. Results are based on 167 face-to-face interviews conducted in Spanish at five labor camps and 126 observations conducted at these same camps in California. Most drivers were male licensed drivers (79%), who learned to drive at ages 8–14 in Mexico (42%). Those licensed in Mexico versus the US received more citations and unlicensed drivers were rated with poor driving skills. Drivers reported ‘always’ using seat belts (86%), yet admitted not buckling up within the previous 2 months. Observational data showed that only 37% used belts and 55% of drivers riding alone were belted. Reasons for non-use reflected cultural and economic issues and lack of effective media safety campaigns for this group. Most (75%) drivers with children (<4 years) said they used child safety seats and others with 1+ children (<4 years) used no safety seats (20%) or only one seat (53%). Observations showed that regardless of the number of riders aged 0–4, the number of car seats never exceeded one. In 66% of the cars where a single child was carried and where two children were carried, no car seats were used. In all of these cases there were other passengers and drivers who were not belted.

Introduction

The Hispanic population is the fastest growing group in California. In 1990, Hispanics comprised 20% of the estimated 32 million California residents (US Department of Commerce, 1990; Census). In some of the state’s agricultural communities this figure is as high as 98%. Major contributors to this ever larger Hispanic community in California are the estimated 1 million Mexican migrant workers employed in agriculture 8 months out of the year (Martin, 1992).

Hispanics, as a group, unfortunately are involved in a disproportionately high percentage of motor vehicle crashes, especially in rural areas. Even though Hispanics comprise 30% of the population in the great Central Valley, ≈45% of the crashes and 60% of the DUI arrests involve Hispanic drivers and passengers (California Highway Patrol, 1995). Law enforcement officials speculate that this high rate is in part due to their lack of safe driving skills and knowledge of California motor vehicle laws. Many of the injuries and fatalities resulting from these incidents are the result of non- or improper use of safety restraints, i.e. safety belts and/or child safety seats (California Highway Patrol, 1995, California Highway Patrol, 1996).

Past studies indicate that cultural differences exist in drivers’ self-assessment of skills (Sivak et al., 1989a) as well as simulations of on-the road risk-taking and risk perception which may influence safe driving behaviors (Sivak et al., 1989b, Sivak et al., 1989c). Hamilton et al. (1995) found that cultural differences also exist for Hispanic drivers. Hispanic community members most frequently identified drinking and driving and non-use of safety belts as the common motor vehicle problems. Comparison data (NHTSA, 1991, NHTSA, 1995) show that 68% of the general public use safety belts and the use rate for drivers involved in crashes is 58%. Yet data from the study reported here show that only ∼37% of this farm worker sample use safety restraints.

This study was part of an outreach and research program for Spanish-speaking, low literacy farm workers who work and drive in California. The primary objectives of this study were to examine and compare migrant farm workers driving behaviors and knowledge of the laws as well as their use of safety restraints. Self-assessments and self-reports were used to measure skills and knowledge and frequency of use of safety devices. An unobtrusive observational survey was also used to verify use of safety restraints. This study provides insights into the backgrounds of a large driving population in California and more significantly provides evidence of the gap between ‘what is said’ and ‘what is done’ by a significant driving population, especially in terms of use of legally required seat belts and safety seats.

Section snippets

Procedures

Two data collection methods were used: first, an interview procedure with a representative group of farm workers residing in state-managed labor camps was implemented, and, second, an unobtrusive observational procedure was carried out in the same camps. It cannot be claimed that the two groups were composed of the same participants. However, since the studies were carried out in the same sites and within weeks of one another, some overlap had to have occurred. Comparisons of age, education,

Subjects

Both the face-to-face and the observed samples were predominantly male (70 and 78%, respectively). Most (89%) were married, born (94%) and educated (81%) in Mexico and a majority had completed 6 years of formal education (Table 1). The sample ranged in age from 17 to 49 years with a mean age of 37.2 years. Usually there was at least one other adult in the household (67%) other than the respondent. In some housing units there were as many as five other adults, whose ages ranged from 18 to 76

Vehicles and driving behaviors

Nearly three-quarters (74%) of the sample were the households’ primary drivers, and 39% were the only drivers of their homes. Driving was a necessary skill for daily tasks and for economic survival. Transportation to work (87%) and household errands (89%) were the two main reasons for driving. Most of those driving to work were males (75%) versus females (25%) (χ2=11.7, P=0.0006). However, when school was the destination, females (64%) were behind the wheel more (χ2=8.594, P=0.0034). A majority

Discussion

The farm workers surveyed and studied drive daily on California’s rural roads. For the most part they claim to be good, safe, and informed drivers. However, they frequently drive without using the safety restraints required by law. Yet, they claim to know the basic legal requirements related to safety restraints. These results provide clear and specific evidence of a serious gap between ‘saying and doing’. Given the record of the Hispanic driving population in California and the Central Valley

References (11)

  • M. Sivak et al.

    Cross-cultural differences in driver risk perception

    Accident Analysis and Prevention

    (1989)
  • M. Sivak et al.

    Cross-cultural differences in driver risk-taking

    Accident Analysis and Prevention

    (1989)
  • California Highway Patrol, 1995. Annual Report of Fatal and Injury Motor Vehicle Traffic Collisions, Statewide...
  • California Highway Patrol, 1996. For Your Information: 1995 Fatal Victims Under Four Years of Age Report, California...
  • Hamilton, A., Arias, A., Acosta, A., 1995. Highway Safety Needs of US Hispanic Communities: Issues and Strategies,...
There are more references available in the full text version of this article.

Cited by (37)

  • Evaluating pediatric car safety compliance in motor vehicle collisions: Identifying high-risk groups for improper restraint usage

    2023, Journal of Pediatric Surgery
    Citation Excerpt :

    Cultural differences may play a part in these observed findings. In a study by Stiles et al., Hispanic migrant farmworkers in California held different belief patterns surrounding proper car safety practices, with many reporting that it was unsafe to restrain children older than 4 years of age or if the child was otherwise being held in someone's arms [14]. In our study, the rates of proper restraint usage in young patients (<8 years old), who should be placed in booster seats, were significantly lower among Hispanic children than their non-Hispanic counterparts.

  • The flashing green light paradox

    2012, Transportation Research Part F: Traffic Psychology and Behaviour
    Citation Excerpt :

    Drivers in general will support use of the flashing green light in signaling systems at intersections. Prior studies have found a relationship between driving behaviors, perceptions of risk, and accident involvement, on the one hand, and ethnicity, on the other (Factor, Kawachi, & Williams, 2011; Factor, Mahalel, & Yair, 2007; Ferguson, Burns, Fiorentino, Williams, & Garcia, 2002; Ozkan, Lajunen, Chliaoutakis, Parker, & Summala, 2006; Stiles & Grieshop, 1999; Vredenburgh & Cohen, 1995). In Arizona, for example, Native Americans were found to have the highest risk of dying in road traffic accidents (Outcalt, Bay, Dellapena, & Cota, 2003).

View all citing articles on Scopus
View full text